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GOP legislators propose California school districts arm teachers

Written By kolimtiga on Kamis, 31 Januari 2013 | 22.25

SACRAMENTO — A group of Republican state lawmakers Wednesday proposed allowing school districts to spend education funds to train teachers, administrators and janitors in gun use.

Responding to last month's mass shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., the lawmakers said arming school personnel would help protect campuses against violent intruders.

"The idea is to create essentially an invisible line of defense around our kids," said Assemblyman and tea party adherent Tim Donnelly of San Bernardino. He and one of his coauthors announced the proposal at a Capitol news conference.

Donnelly, who is exploring a run for governor, said his bill was an alternative to a dozen introduced by Democrats to impose tighter gun controls, some of which he called a violation of the right to bear arms. He invoked the name of Sandy Hook teacher Victoria Soto, who was killed trying to protect her students.

"We have a moral obligation that the next Vicki Soto who is faced with inexplicable evil … not be left defenseless," he said. If she were armed, "she would have the ability to stop or at least slow down the killer."

He said the proposal, AB 202, is modeled after the federal air marshal program, which assigns armed, plainclothes officers to many commercial flights to guard against terrorism.

Sen. Leland Yee (D-San Francisco), a former school psychologist, said the bill would face insurmountable opposition in the Legislature.

"With all due respect to my Republican colleagues, that [bill] is just absolutely ludicrous," Yee said. "I don't know of any educator who would be interested in packing a gun into a school."

Sen. Ted Lieu (D-Torrance), who has introduced legislation requiring every school to have a safety plan for emergencies, said Donnelly's bill goes in the wrong direction.

"The goal of school safety is not to see who can win a gunfight," Lieu said. "It is to prevent shootings in the first place and keep guns out of schools."

Donnelly, who was once fined more than $2,200 for taking a loaded gun to Ontario International Airport, said the school marshal program would ensure that those carrying concealed weapons have permits and training. No one outside the school administration would know the identity of marshals on campus.

Teachers don't want to assume a role outside their expertise, said Dean Vogel, president of the giant California Teachers' Assn. Campus police trained in firearms tactics are better suited for the job, he said.

"Putting more guns in schools is really not the way to go," Vogel said. "Armed security should be left to the experts."

Supporters of the bill include Republican Assembly members Shannon Grove of Bakersfield, Curt Hagman of Chino Hills, Diane L. Harkey of Dana Point, Brian Jones of Santee and Donald P. Wagner of Irvine, as well as Republican Sen. Stephen Knight of Palmdale.

patrick.mcgreevy@latimes.com


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Priest files will include key names

The long-awaited release of 30,000 pages of internal church records was thrown into turmoil when attorneys for the Los Angeles archdiocese proposed, and then disavowed, a plan to turn over the documents with the names of Cardinal Roger Mahony and other church leaders handling cases of child abuse blacked out.

The church had agreed to make public the personnel files of 89 priests accused of sexually abusing children as part of a 2007 court settlement. Fourteen files were released last week in ongoing civil litigation. Those files showed Mahony and his chief advisor on abuse, Msgr. Thomas Curry, plotted to hide the sexual abuse of children from police in the 1980s.

Earlier this week, church lawyers submitted papers to the Los Angeles County Superior Court judge overseeing the release of the remaining, much larger batch of files proposing that the archdiocese be allowed to hand over the documents with the names of top church officials removed.

Attorneys for victims and the media criticized the legal maneuver, saying it flouted a previous ruling by Judge Emilie H. Elias that the public was entitled to the information.

"The Archdiocese simply disregarded the Court's directive," attorneys for The Times and the Associated Press wrote in papers filed Wednesday. "The result is to effectively continue to keep secret the roles of the individuals identified in those files, and to mask their knowledge of, or role in [abuse of children]."

By Wednesday afternoon, the church had rejected its own plan. An attorney for the archdiocese said in an interview that it was committed to including "the names, clearly legible, every one of them."

It is now up to Elias to decide in what form the records will be made public. She has scheduled a conference call with attorneys Thursday morning.

In January, The Times and the Associated Press asked Elias to overrule a private mediator who had said the names of archdiocese employees should be redacted. Dickran Tevrizian, a retired judge hired to hammer out the details of the release, said the church had suffered enough criticism for the abuse scandal and its employees should not be subjected to the "guilt by association" that might accompany being named in the files.

Elias overturned Tevrizian's decision, saying the public had a right to the identities of church officials who dealt with abusers "to understand how this happened and ... to watch for the future." She said that between the privacy rights of the hierarchy and "the public's right to know, there seems to be no comparison."

"Those names ought to be included," the judge told lawyers.

The lead attorney for the church balked at her ruling, saying the church had spent thousands of hours and "a fortune" redacting the files to comply with Tevrizian's order.

"Every page has to be gone through. Every single redaction has to be examined afresh. It is going to delay this process by months," the lawyer, J. Michael Hennigan, said.

During that hearing, Elias and lawyers discussed cover sheets as a potential way around the costly process of restoring individual redactions on thousands of pieces of paper. The judge told the attorneys to draft an order for her to sign that laid out a specific procedure.

The order the church lawyers submitted to the judge Monday proposed the archdiocese be permitted to address the judge's ruling with a cover sheet on each priest's file. It would list the names of those in charge in the church when the records were created: the archbishop, his vicar of clergy, the head of a New Mexico treatment center for pedophile priests and "the names of Pastors, if applicable, who were asked to oversee the Priest's interaction with children."

Attorneys for alleged victims said the plan ignored the judge's ruling and would provide no public accountability for the hierarchy. The church redacted the titles of top officials in addition to their names. Even if the titles were restored, "many of the documents don't list a title. They just give a name," said attorney Anthony De Marco. "Our fear is you will have no clue from reading the letter who is being referred to."

The files released last week were not redacted. They suggest that it would be nearly impossible to decipher which official played what role with names and titles blacked out. In one 1989 letter criticizing the church's failure to help a victim of Msgr. Peter Garcia, four different church leaders' names were mentioned in a single paragraph.

The church leaders referenced, whose names would have been removed, included Mahony, Curry and Juan Arzube, a regional bishop.

In a phone conversation Wednesday afternoon, Hennigan insisted that the church would ensure that top officials were easily identifiable in the files. Asked if he still planned to use generic cover sheets for each priest's records, Hennigan was silent for several seconds.

"I'm thinking, I'm thinking," he explained and then said, "We are going to unredact every required name."

He said the process would take days from the time the judge signs an order rather than the months he had predicted.

victoria.kim@latimes.com

harriet.ryan@latimes.com


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Ring burglarized homes of Times subscribers

Four men have been arrested on suspicion of burglarizing the homes of Los Angeles Times newspaper subscribers who were on vacation, according to the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department.

The burglars allegedly stole $1 million in property over the last three years.

Detectives said one of the suspects obtained lists of subscribers who had submitted "vacation holds" to a vendor that distributes newspapers for The Times. Officials said they have identified 25 victims but believe there are more than 100.

Sgt. Michael Maher of the sheriff's Major Crimes Bureau said most of the break-ins occurred along the 210 Freeway in eastern L.A. County and western San Bernardino County.

Approximately $100,000 worth of personal property, including artwork, golf clubs and guitars, has been recovered as a result of a six-month investigation, Maher said. But investigators believe the thieves stole many more items, including jewelry and collectible coins that they later sold.

"They took everything from televisions right down to the toothpaste," he added.

Deputies said Duane Van Tuinen, 51, of Azusa is believed to have supplied the burglary crew with addresses from stolen vacation lists. Sheriff's officials said he serviced machines in the distribution centers that subcontract with The Times to deliver the paper. He was arrested Wednesday.

Randall Whitmore, 43, of La Verne; Joshua Box, 43, of Arcadia; and Edwin Valentine, 52, of Covina have been booked on suspicion of receiving stolen property and possession of stolen property. Deputies are seeking a fifth suspect.

Sheriff's officials said The Times has cooperated fully with the investigation.

Nancy Sullivan, a Times spokeswoman, said the newspaper has made changes in its delivery policies since the incident.

"The Los Angeles Times was contacted several months ago about criminal activity which may have been linked to subscriber delivery information. We immediately launched an internal review and collaborated with the Sheriff's Department as matters unfolded, including honoring their request to keep the matter confidential because the investigation was active," Sullivan said. "The Times sympathizes with those who have been harmed and joins the other victims in thanking the Sheriff's Department for their hard work."

Sullivan added: "We continuously review and upgrade our policies and systems to protect and best serve our customers." She said that the paper will no longer share vacation information with distributors.

Authorities said the thieves would case the home of the subscribers who had submitted vacation holds to make sure the owners were away before striking. In some cases, the burglars found the victims' cars keys. They then loaded up the vehicles with stolen items and drove off, Maher said.

Officials said a break in the case came last summer, when Glendora police pulled over one of the suspects who had a list of addresses as well as stolen property. Sheriff's detectives spent weeks studying the list and eventually determined the addresses belonged to Times subscribers who had stopped delivery while on vacation. Maher said detectives at first probed whether the list was obtained through computer hacking but eventually determined that it was an inside job.

Subscribers who believe they were burglarized after placing a vacation hold are asked to call sheriff's Major Crimes Bureau detectives at (562) 946-7893 and supply a police report number as well as a description of the stolen items.

andrew.blankstein@latimes.com


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L.A. City Council sends boardinghouse proposal back to committee

The Los Angeles City Council opted not to vote Wednesday on a controversial proposal aimed at cracking down on boardinghouses and group homes, an issue City Hall has grappled with for years.

After more than two hours of public comment and discussion, the council instead agreed to form a committee that will revise the Community Care Facilities Ordinance over the next three months.

"This ordinance is not ready for prime time," Councilman Richard Alarcon told a standing-room-only crowd gathered in the council chambers. He triggered applause and cheers when he mentioned three "poison pills" that he said would make it more difficult for nonprofits and group homes to care for the elderly, disabled and homeless.

Finding a solution to illegal, overcrowded group homes in residential areas gained new urgency last month after four people were fatally shot at an unlicensed boardinghouse in Northridge. Councilman Mitchell Englander, whose district includes Northridge, proposed the legislation the following week.

Advocates of group homes formed a line more than a block long outside City Hall on Wednesday morning. Many wore red T-shirts that read "Shared Housing = Fair Housing." Some chanted, "Hey hey, ho ho, CCFO's got to go."

"We are deeply concerned," Maria Elena Durazo, the executive secretary-treasurer of the L.A. County Federation of Labor, told the council. The federation is part of an "unprecedented partnership" of more than 150 organizations that oppose the proposed crackdown, including nonprofits and business groups, she said.

Crackdown supporters, including multiple neighborhood councils, stressed the need to make group homes and their surroundings safer. One neighborhood representative mentioned a home of parolees across the street from an elementary school. Another brought up a fire at a San Pedro residential hotel that killed a man last week.

"How many more assaults, fires and murders do we need to have before we get serious?" said Edward Headington, of the Granada North Hills Neighborhood Council.

laura.nelson@latimes.com


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California restricts hiring after dual-paycheck revelations

SACRAMENTO — Gov. Jerry Brown's administration has restricted state departments' hiring authority following revelations that hundreds of public employees were receiving pay for second state jobs in addition to their normal salaries.

Workers receiving more than one state paycheck, known in official parlance as "additional appointments," were found in a variety of departments and agencies, including the California Public Employees Retirement System and the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, and in several state hospitals.

The Brown administration did not ban the practice, but any such hire must now be approved by its Office of Human Resources.

"It appears that in some cases people were paid additionally for the job they were hired to do in the first place," said Assemblyman Jeff Gorell (R-Camarillo), who introduced a bill Wednesday to ban salaried state employees from holding more than one state job. "It's inappropriate at best and potentially abusive," he said.

Gorell said the proliferation of double paychecks highlights the need for more legislative oversight of the executive branch.

"It's clear that the governor and his administration don't fully understand what's happening in these agencies," he said.

Documents provided by the state controller's office show that 571 nonunion employees hold more than one position in various departments. The records do not show what those employees were paid.

The Sacramento Bee reported that dozens of state corrections officers received additional compensation beyond that of their regular jobs — some of which paid up to $20,000 per month. The paper also reported that the chief psychiatrist at Napa State Hospital, who receives an annual salary of more than $275,000, was receiving an additional $125 per hour for work as a staff psychiatrist.

"It's a scam," said Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog, a nonprofit advocacy agency. "Many people in all kinds of different jobs work for a set salary understanding that sometimes that means working long hours. Unfortunately, that's not always the culture of government."

A spokesman for the state's largest public employee union said the extra pay was for managers and other nonunion employees who are not eligible for overtime. Most unionized workers receive overtime if they put in extra hours.

A spokesman for CalPERS said it had allowed salaried workers to receive extra pay since June 2011 to help the agency launch and test a new technology project. Brad Pacheco said that using existing workers saved CalPERS an estimated $1.6 million that would have been spent to hire outside consultants and train new staff.

The human resources agency issued a statement saying that officials were "conducting a full review to determine whether there is any justification for continuing this practice."

anthony.york@latimes.com


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Man behind Manti Te'o hoax wants to 'heal'

The 22-year-old Palmdale man who created Manti Te'o's fake girlfriend broke his silence for the first time, saying he perpetrated the elaborate hoax to build a relationship with the football star.

Ronaiah Tuiasosopo pretended to be Te'o's girlfriend, Lennay Kekua, for months, communicating on the phone and through social media. Tuiasosopo went so far as to disguise his voice to sound like a woman's when he spoke to Te'o on the phone, his attorney, Milton Grimes, said in an interview with The Times.

Grimes said his client decided to come clean about the hoax in an attempt to "heal."

"He knows that if he doesn't come out and tell the truth, it will interfere with him getting out of this place that he is in," Grimes said.

TV talk show host Dr. Phil McGraw, who spoke with Tuiasosopo for an interview set to air this week, described the 22-year-old as "a young man that fell deeply, romantically in love" with Te'o. McGraw, speaking on the "Today" show, said he asked Tuiasosopo about his sexuality, and Tuiasosopo said he was "confused."

In a short clip of the "Dr. Phil" interview, Tuiasosopo told McGraw that he wanted to end his relationship with Te'o because he "finally realized that I just had to move on with my life."

"There were many times where Manti and Lennay had broken up before," Tuiasosopo said. "They would break up, and then something would bring them back together, whether it was something going on in his life or in Lennay's life — in this case, in my life."

Tuiasosopo's comments add another twist to a story so bizarre that reporters from across the country have converged on Tuiasosopo's home in the Antelope Valley. News of the hoax was first reported earlier this month on the website Deadspin.com.

Tuiasosopo, the report said, was the mastermind behind the hoax and used photos from an old high school classmate and social media to connect Kekua with Te'o.

During the college football season, Te'o repeatedly spoke to the media, including The Times, about his girlfriend, the car accident that left her seriously injured and the leukemia that led to her September death. The tale became one of the most well-known sports stories of the year as Te'o led his team to an undefeated season and championship berth.

Te'o has denied any role in the ruse, saying he spent hours on the phone with a woman he thought was Kekua.

Those who know Tuiasosopo said they were baffled when they first learned of his involvement in the hoax. Neighbors and former high school coaches described him as popular, faith-driven and family-oriented.

"I've done a lot of thinking about it," Jon Fleming, Tuiasosopo's former football coach at Antelope Valley High, said in the days after the ruse was revealed. "It's all speculation. He's goofy just like any other kid. The question that comes up in my mind is: 'What could he possibly gain from doing something like this?' It would really surprise me. What would he gain?"

Te'o said in an interview with ESPN that Tuiasosopo called to apologize for the hoax.

"I hope he learns," Te'o said. "I hope he understands what he's done. I don't wish an ill thing to somebody. I just hope he learns. I think embarrassment is big enough."

Diane O'Meara, the Long Beach woman whose photos were used to represent the fake girlfriend, said in an interview with The Times that Tuiasosopo was a high school classmate.

She said he repeatedly asked her for photos and videos of herself.

O'Meara, 23, said that during a six-day period in December, Tuiasosopo contacted her through social media, texting and phone calls about 10 times, asking her to send a photo of herself. Then, after she sent the photo, in part to "get this guy off my back," she said Tuiasosopo messaged her asking for a video clip or another photo.

By that time, his requests were "kind of annoying, kind of pestering," O'Meara said.

Tuiasosopo is seeing a medical professional and "feels as though he needs therapy," Grimes said.

"Part of that therapy is to … tell the truth," he added. "He did not intend to harm [Te'o] in any way. It was just a matter of trying to have a communication with someone."

Grimes said he warned his client that he could face legal consequences for admitting that he falsified his identity on the Internet. But Tuiasosopo insisted that going public was something he had to do.

"This is part of my public healing," Grimes quoted Tuiasosopo as saying.

matt.stevens@latimes.com

ann.simmons@latimes.com

kate.mather@latimes.com

Times staff writers Kevin Baxter and Lance Pugmire contributed to this report.


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Wendy Greuel's $160-million savings claim raises questions

At virtually every campaign stop, Los Angeles mayoral candidate and City Controller Wendy Greuel points to eliminating $160 million in "waste, fraud and abuse" she's found at City Hall as a solution to the city's fiscal troubles and evidence that she would be a tough fiscal manager as mayor.

But most of the dollar total in Greuel's claim, now featured in television ads, relies on two audits that depend on an accounting maneuver and a large revenue projection that the controller's office itself said was unrealistic from the start.

Many of the dozens of audits cited by Greuel's campaign to support the $160-million claim reveal shortcomings in municipal policy and recommend "best practice" reforms that many people inside and outside of City Hall would agree are needed.

While the reports identified potential new revenue and elimination of waste, the amounts cited by Greuel's campaign would not be immediately available to the incoming mayor, although Greuel has suggested otherwise.

"My first day in office, I'm going to stop the cycle of crisis and layoffs and lack of services," she told the Sherman Oaks Homeowners Assn. at a debate. "And I will implement the $160 million worth of waste, fraud and abuse that I found."

Greuel said in a statement Wednesday evening that she stands by her audit findings. She called the $160 million "just the tip of the iceberg" and added that, as mayor, she would "change the way government works so that we spend our precious taxpayer dollars more wisely and efficiently."

Greuel's supporters say she deserves credit for being specific about how she would make the city bureaucracy more efficient. And Greuel campaign spokeswoman Shannon Murphy said the projections used by the controller's office were compiled by professional auditors who had no political motivation.

But City Councilman Eric Garcetti, a rival for mayor, has attacked Greuel's claims. His aides say the savings and new revenue actually produced for the city amount to just $239,000.

Half of Greuel's $160 million — as broken down on her campaign website — comes from a single audit on unrealized revenue from a "street furniture" contract between the city and a company called CBS Decaux.

That 2012 audit said the city lost $23.1 million because the company hadn't paid as much as predicted to place advertising on bus shelters, newsstands, public restrooms and kiosks. An additional $57 million "could be lost" in the future if Los Angeles does not improve the contract, for a total shortfall of $80.1 million, Greuel's office contended.

But CBS Decaux said it would come nowhere near the $150 million it promised to pay the city over 20 years because bureaucrats, and especially City Council members, rejected many of the locations the company wanted for its shelters and advertising "pillars."

The city's Bureau of Street Services, the chief legislative analyst and the city attorney all agreed that the advertising company had properly paid the city at a reduced rate. And Greuel's audit acknowledged that $8.2 million was "not recoverable."

The controller's office called for a renegotiation of the agreement and calculated future losses of $57 million using a best-case scenario: that the company would be able to place all of the advertising initially planned and the city would be paid at the rates originally agreed to. Greuel, in her own cover letter for the audit, concluded: "It is clear, however, that this contract was unrealistic in terms of expectations from the very beginning."

Murphy, the Greuel campaign spokeswoman, said auditors working for the controller "felt compelled to highlight the $57-million figure."

"This is absolutely a warning call that Controller Greuel put out. She is saying, 'This is going to be a huge problem for the city if nothing is done differently.' And, in fact, nothing has been done differently."

The city had made no progress on renegotiating with CBS Decaux.

The controller's audit notes that the City Council caused the "majority of delays" in the program by blocking or delaying approval of the street advertising. Murphy blamed the "failed leadership" of city lawmakers, saying it had cost Los Angeles millions in revenue.

City records show that Greuel, who served on the City Council from 2002 to 2009, contributed to the bottleneck in her San Fernando Valley-based district. A 2005 report by the chief legislative analyst's office found 11 other council offices approved the advertising structures more frequently than Greuel's office, although her approval rate improved slightly by 2007. Greuel staffers Wednesday blamed the approval process for the problems and noted that Greuel's audit recommendations would have streamlined placement of the advertising structures.

The second-biggest example of waste, fraud and abuse on Greuel's list is $24.7 million from the Real Property Trust Fund. The 2010 audit on that topic did not identify missing or uncollected funds, but rather money that Greuel concluded should be transferred between city accounts.

At issue was the 50% of funds from sales of surplus public property and from oil pipeline franchises that traditionally has gone into council members' discretionary accounts. The money has been used to pay for pocket parks, graffiti removal and, occasionally, salaries for City Council staff.

Greuel suggested in her audit that the money be shifted to the city's cash-strapped general fund. The council voted in 2010, after the Greuel audit, to give up $12 million that normally would have paid for special projects in members' districts and instead use it to replenish the city's emergency reserve.

james.rainey@latimes.com


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Trial begins for Moreno Valley school board member Mike Rios

The young woman on the witness stand said Mike Rios approached her on the street with a school district business card and a job opportunity: He wanted her "to gather girls and sell them," she said.

Identified in court only as Valery, she testified Wednesday that she and others worked as prostitutes for Rios, a member of the Moreno Valley Unified School District Board of Education.

Valery's testimony came on the opening day of Rios' trial in Riverside County Superior Court. He faces 35 felony charges, including rape, pandering and pimping involving six females, two of them underage.

Valery, 21, with long black hair and bangs covering her forehead, bit her lip between questions. In addition to working as a prostitute for Rios, she said, she helped recruit other young women for him.

"He told me we had to get the best-looking girls so we could get more money for them," Valery said.

Prosecutors allege that Rios ran a prostitution ring out of his Moreno Valley home in 2011 and 2012. In opening statements, Deputy Dist. Atty. Michael Brusselback told the jury: "This is a case about greed. This is a case about money. This is a case about power."

Rios was "constantly trying to recruit new, young talent," Brusselback said.

Rios' attorney, Deputy Public Defender Michael J. Micallef, told jurors that Rios ran a business involving women stripping, dancing and performing for money but that it "had nothing to do with sex."

The women were free to do whatever they wanted and what they did besides stripping and dancing "wasn't necessarily known to Mr. Rios," Micallef said. Networking with women and growing his business was "the capitalist way," Micallef said.

Rios, 42, was arrested in February on attempted murder charges after he allegedly shot at two people near his home. He was released on bail but was arrested again in April on suspicion of rape, pimping and using his position on the school board to recruit would-be prostitutes.

He was released on bail again and has pleaded not guilty to all the charges in both cases.

While searching Rios' home after the alleged shooting, investigators found numerous cellphones and several condoms in the glove box of the Mercedes-Benz in his garage, testified Paul Grotefend, a Riverside County sheriff's deputy.

Prosecutors say Rios recruited women, took provocative photos of them in his home and posted the photos in online advertisements. He allegedly established a cellphone number solely for the prostitution work, drove the women to various locations to have sex and split the money they earned.

It is alleged that three adult women worked for him as prostitutes and that he attempted to recruit another adult woman and two minors.

On Wednesday, prosecutors showed jurors online advertisements with erotic photos of Valery in lingerie that she said were taken in Rios' bedroom.

Some of the ads read: "Sexy hot beautiful Latina babe Here 4 U."

Valery testified that Rios, on numerous occasions, picked her up from her home in downtown Los Angeles and brought her to his house. He bought her condoms before she met clients, she testified.

When Valery stopped communicating with Rios, he sent her text messages telling her how many missed calls there were on the cellphone he set up for prostitution, she said.

"He assumed every call that came in was a guaranteed customer," she said.

Rios is accused of raping two women, one of whom was intoxicated.

After both arrests last year, Rios returned to the five-member school board.

Though the other school board members passed a resolution calling for Rios to resign, he refused, said board Vice President Tracey B. Vackar. The board cannot remove Rios unless he is convicted, Vackar said.

Rios continues to come to board meetings, Vackar said, and even attended a board study session Tuesday night after a court appearance. Though there was disappointment after he did not resign, Rios has been treated with respect at meetings and "has not been disruptive," Vackar said.

The trial is expected to continue Thursday. The case involving the attempted murder charges — which is separate from the current case — is pending trial, with the next court date scheduled for February.

Rios, wearing a blue suit, was quiet in court Wednesday, sitting next to his attorney with his hands folded.

hailey.branson@latimes.com


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Proposed L.A. boardinghouse crackdown worries shelter operators

Written By kolimtiga on Rabu, 30 Januari 2013 | 22.25

From a shelter in Boyle Heights, 18-year-old Abraham Magana dreams of Stanford.

Magana has been homeless for more than six months. Since he moved out of his family's house in August after escalating conflicts with his sister, he's lived in a shelter run by Jovenes Inc., a nonprofit that gives young homeless men a place to sleep.

Magana will graduate from high school in June. Then he hopes to earn straight A's at Santa Monica College, get elected to the student government and apply to transfer. When he reaches Stanford — to him it is when, not if — he will get degrees in mathematics, engineering and business.

"It's proof that you are somebody," Magana said.

Knowing he has somewhere to sleep makes school that much easier, Magana said. But the housing, counseling and support the nonprofit provides to Magana and more than 100 other young men each year could be in jeopardy, Jovenes officials say, if the L.A. City Council passes a set of controversial regulations scheduled for a vote Wednesday.

The proposed law, sponsored by Councilman Mitch Englander, includes stricter controls on boardinghouses and group homes intended to rid neighborhoods of illegal, dangerous and overcrowded facilities. How to accomplish that has been debated for nearly two years. But resolving the question took on new urgency in December after four people died in a shooting at an unlicensed Northridge boardinghouse.

Critics warn that the restrictions would hurt shelters, sober-living houses and other programs that help an array of needy residents, including thousands of homeless people in L.A. County.

"I was frankly appalled," said Fried Wittman, a UC Berkeley professor who has studied sober-living houses for more than 25 years and wrote a letter to the council. "It's trying to accomplish a sensible purpose, but it's barking up the wrong tree."

Under the ordinance, it would be illegal for more than four people to live in the same house or apartment when not functioning as a "single housekeeping unit," meaning the members share expenses, chores and living spaces. It would also make it illegal for more than three people on probation or parole to live in the same apartment or hotel room unless landlords obtain a special permit. State-licensed facilities would be exempt.

Limiting individual leases undermines the work of homelessness and alcoholism support groups, Wittman said, because shared living spaces are more affordable for those beginning to live on their own. A personalized lease, including eviction clauses for drinking or not finding a job, teaches independence and holds tenants accountable, he said.

Adam Murray, the executive director of the Inner City Law Center, said the proposed regulations would be impossible to enforce without extensive effort by city building inspectors. They would have to keep count of the number of people in each apartment, run background checks on tenants and monitor living habits to see if they share meals and finances. If the ordinance passes, it will be challenged in court, Murray says. Preventing groups of alcoholics or disabled veterans from living together, he said, appears to violate the federal Americans With Disabilities Act.

Englander said city attorneys have examined the proposed ordinance and found no problems. "It's absolutely the opposite" of what critics contend, he said. "We actually provide more opportunities and go further than any city in terms of what we offer."

Jovenes, which is partly funded by state and county agencies, operates in a former air conditioning factory on a quiet cul-de-sac near the 101 Freeway. Employees cook meals each night in a bright-yellow kitchen. In bedrooms of the emergency overnight shelter, bunk beds are made up with quilts and patterned fleece blankets. If clients attend counseling, meet curfew and follow the rules, they can stay for 90 days.

Officials say the proposed law would make some duplexes the group uses to house young men illegal. It also would prevent the organization from housing more than three parolees a night in the shelter. Sometimes, more than half of the 12 beds are filled with men recently released from Men's Central Jail, less than a mile away.

"These guys, when they come out, they have nowhere to go," case manager Luis Medina said.

Magana stayed in the shelter for a month before moving into semi-permanent housing, where he does his calculus homework, sketches knights in futuristic armor and bickers with his roommates about who will do the dishes. He can stay with Jovenes for a year and a half. If he still needs help after that, Jovenes could place him in one of five homes it owns in Boyle Heights, where he would pay rent.

"I don't know what I would do without them," Magana said. "You can't always stand on your own feet right away."

laura.nelson@latimes.com


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Santa Ana man accused of stealing dead father's benefits

A Santa Ana man was charged with fraudulently collecting more than $100,000 of his deceased father's Social Security benefits Tuesday after bones believed to be those of his father were found in the backyard of his former home, officials said.

Larry Thomas Dominguez, 65, faces a felony count of theft by embezzlement, with sentencing enhancements for aggravated white-collar crime over $100,000, the Orange County district attorney's office announced. Dominguez's arraignment was postponed Tuesday.

Prosecutors allege that Dominguez collected more than $1,100 a month between his father's death in May 2005 and January of this year. If convicted, he faces a maximum of four years in prison.

Authorities began investigating Dominguez on Sunday after a human skeleton was discovered during a renovation project at a home he used to own in the 2500 block of North Hesperian Street, Santa Ana police Cpl. Anthony Bertagna said. Though an autopsy did not immediately identify the remains, Bertagna said Tuesday that they were believed to be those of Dominguez's father, Wallace Benjamin Dominguez.

There is no death certificate for Wallace Dominguez, Bertagna said, and authorities do not know how he died. Investigators were able to pinpoint May 2005 as his date of death.

Wallace Dominguez, in his late 70s at the time of his death, lived at the home with his son, Bertagna said. Larry Dominguez's mother also lived at the home, Bertagna said — but investigators have a death certificate for her.

"As a homicide detective, the question begs: Did he murder him and has been collecting the benefits?" Bertagna said. "Or did he die and he just took that opportunity to bury him and continue on with his benefits?"

Larry Dominguez was originally arrested on suspicion of homicide, but prosecutors filed the embezzlement charges as authorities continue to investigate the manner of death, Bertagna said, adding "there's a lot of work to be done."

"This is a first for me," he said of the case. "I'm sure they exist, but it's the first I know."

kate.mather@latimes.com


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California residents reflect national divide on immigration

ESCONDIDO, Calif. — Vincent Gazzara wants gun towers along the border and guards with orders to shoot.

"The point is some would have to lose their lives," said the 70-year-old retired administrator, who sings in his church choir. "But when they realized that they can't cross without being shot, they would stop."

Talk about boosting border security, albeit with less extreme measures, is common in Escondido, a working-class city in northern San Diego County, 40 miles from Mexico. But the decades-long patchwork of remedies to halt the flow of illegal immigrants has proved so frustrating that residents like Gazzara expressed qualified support for broad reforms such as those championed by President Obama in his immigration policy speech Tuesday.

They include a path to citizenship for those brought to the United States illegally as children and the possibility of legal status for millions of other undocumented immigrants, provided they pass a background check and meet other criteria.

An estimated 2.5 million illegal immigrants live and work in California, embedded in such bulwarks of the state economy as agriculture and the service industry. The state's voters tilt toward Democrats for president, but in some regions elect conservative Republican congressmen — such as Darrell Issa (R-Vista), whose district includes Escondido, and Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield). Their support will be key to getting any immigration plan through a fractious House of Representatives.

Immigration reform activists greeted Obama's speech with broad enthusiasm. The president was tackling nothing less than "a defining civil and human rights issue of our time," said Wade Henderson, president and chief executive of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights.

But the mixed reactions of Californians suggest the fraught terrain legislators must navigate to bring an immigration reform bill to Obama's desk.

"Anyone applying for citizenship should pay a penalty," said Gazzara, the retired administrator. "If you don't respect our laws then you should pay the consequences."

Gazzara was getting a haircut at Del's Barber Shop in Escondido in the company of other self-described conservative Republicans, while immigrant women pushed baby strollers by the American flag that fluttered outside.

Escondido is one of the few cities in the country where immigration enforcement agents monitor and respond to police traffic stops, resulting in hundreds of deportation proceedings.

One passing woman, an illegal immigrant with three children who gave her name only as Maria, said she didn't drive in the city because she feared getting pulled over at a traffic checkpoint.

But she has common ground with the men in the barbershop, and with Obama's proposal, in calling for background checks.

"I tell my friends that everyone should get the opportunity to apply for citizenship, but there must be conditions," she said. "They can't be pushed through really fast. They need to check people's backgrounds thoroughly."

At El Gallo Giro restaurant in Huntington Park, a heavily Latino city, the tables and chairs reflect the colors of the Mexican flag, and the Virgin of Guadalupe has a shrine.

But only one man in the lunchtime crowd showed interest when Obama's speech came on the television Tuesday, interrupting a Spanish-language celebrity talk show.

Felipe Velasquez, 56, who came from Sinaloa, Mexico, said he crossed into the country illegally in the early 1980s. Years later he was among millions of immigrants who received amnesty in the last major overhaul of immigration law.

He applauded Obama's call for broader paths to citizenship. "People come here thinking it means a future. It's a fantasy," Velasquez said. "The only ones who do well are banks and big companies. The rest of us struggle all our lives to get ahead."

Farther north in Kern County, a place both heavily Republican and heavily dependent on farm labor, reaction was mixed.

Randy Hubble, 55, a construction worker who was having lunch at Cope's Knotty Pine Cafe in Bakersfield, has clear views on what to do with the country's estimated 11 million illegal immigrants: "Put them on the bus, and put them back where they came from."

The local congressman, McCarthy, is a staunch conservative and the House majority whip, and he will alienate voters like Hubble if he supports Obama's plan.


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Looking for fizz in a flat mayoral contest

A couple of weeks ago, I wrote that Los Angeles has had its share of so-so mayors, and it'd be nice to have a great one for a change.

Readers agreed, but said they weren't sure there was greatness in the current crop of candidates. And that was before Monday night's televised debate, which bolstered their point. For the most part, the five candidates came off as competent but not compelling. There was no presence, no magic, no star quality.

"What an uninspiring bunch," wrote Peter Weinberger, a Pico-Robertson resident. He was one of several readers I recruited to watch the debate and send along their impressions. "They offered platitudes with nothing of substance.... Their rhetoric was akin to a kid running for sixth-grade class president."

"This is the weakest mayoral field in history," Howard Cohen of North Hills wrote.

Ouch. Weakest in history?

Among my posse of campaign-watchers, Weinberger and Cohen offered the most detailed observations after viewing the half-hearted show staged by City Council members Eric Garcetti and Jan Perry, City Controller Wendy Greuel, former prosecutor Kevin James and Emanuel Pleitez, a former aide to Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. Weinberger and Cohen thought Garcetti was the most impressive in the debate, but that wasn't saying much.

As Weinberger put it: "I'm a political junkie who supports Eric Garcetti, and I had to sit myself in an uncomfortable chair just to stay awake."

The tone of the debate was accurately described by The Times as genteel, but come on, they're not running for Rose Parade committee. This is one of the world's great cities, but it's also a work in progress, and the next mayor will take on epic challenges. With five weeks to go before the election, I want tougher questions, better answers and more spark.

As for the tougher questions:

Hey, Eric Garcetti. Congrats on the Salma Hayek endorsement; I didn't know until I watched her video pitch that you were "an amazing dancer." But Cirque du Soleil has now tanked at the Dolby Theatre after you helped deliver a $30-million loan to a partnership set up by the CIM Group, the multibillion-dollar development giant behind the Hollywood and Highland project. Any regrets about that little dance? And even if CIM repays the loan, should we be worried about what kind of deals you might strike with developers as mayor?

Hey, Jan Perry. You helped award $1 million in public funds to a multimillion-dollar Santa Monica architecture firm to move to downtown Los Angeles and supported a $2.5-million handout to Fresh & Easy without demanding living-wage jobs in return. Now Fresh & Easy's owner, a British behemoth, has said it may get out of the supermarket business in the U.S., so what will we have to show for our investment? And why shouldn't we be scared to death about what you might give away as mayor, whether it's to AEG and the NFL or some other billionaire panhandler?

Hey, Kevin James. It's nice to have you poke the other candidates in the eye for their role in digging a financial ditch, in part because of public employee union donations to them. But you're running in one of the most progressive cities in the country with hundreds of thousands of dollars spent on your behalf by one of the most conservative political donors in the country. Texas billionaire Harold Simmons called President Obama a socialist and the "most dangerous American alive."

And also, Kevin, as a gay man in a city where we pride ourselves on inclusiveness, what do you think about those millions Simmons gave to anti-gay presidential candidate Rick Perry as well as to Karl Rove's American Crossroads, which has also supported anti-gay candidates?

Hey, Wendy Greuel. If you've really uncovered $160 million in waste, fraud and abuse as city controller — and not everyone finds the figure believable, by the way — how the heck did you miss all that mismanagement during your seven years as a member of the City Council? And what's the deal with your camp insisting on candidate Emanuel Pleitez's participation in the debates? Is it that you were hoping he'd siphon a few votes away from Garcetti, who's Mexican American on his father's side?

My debate watchers weren't all entirely negative. George Martinez of West L.A. thought the debate was a bore but that Greuel came out on top. Francine Oschin of Encino, who once worked as an aide to Councilman Hal Bernson, thought Perry had a sub-par performance but would make the best mayor. And Don Schultz of Van Nuys gave the debate nod to James, even though he's backing Greuel for mayor.

In the last couple of weeks, I've had the feeling that Greuel is beginning to pull away from Garcetti and the others. The unions adore her, and Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa's coterie of supporters seems to be falling in behind her, as pointed out by my colleague David Zahniser.

But is that what L.A. voters really want after general dissatisfaction with the City Hall establishment and continued worries about services getting slashed as employee retirement and healthcare costs grow?

As I see it, Greuel speaks in such vague generalities about so many issues that I have no idea who she is politically, what she believes in, or why she wants to be mayor.

She's got five weeks, and so do the others, to step it up.

steve.lopez@latimes.com


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Greuel airs the first TV ad of mayoral campaign

With the Los Angeles mayoral election five weeks away, City Controller Wendy Greuel began airing the first television ad of the campaign Tuesday in an effort to introduce herself to voters before rivals get a chance to define her in more unflattering terms.

City Councilman Eric Garcetti, Greuel's top rival in the March 5 primary, is expected to follow suit within days by launching his own TV ad campaign.

The ability of Greuel and Garcetti to afford extensive TV advertising, thanks to their aggressive fundraising, sets them apart from the six other mayoral candidates on the ballot.

Greuel's opening ad stresses her experience as controller. She tells viewers that she has uncovered $160 million in waste and fraud at City Hall.

"As mayor, I can stop the waste because I know where it is," Greuel says. "And I'll use the savings for job creation, better schools and faster emergency response in every part of our city."

Garcetti's campaign immediately challenged Greuel's claim, saying she has exaggerated the waste and fraud found in some 78 audits of city departments. The city councilman's aides referred reporters to annual reports on the controller's website for the last three fiscal years, which show a total of $96.7 million in "avoidable costs" and "potential revenue" to the city.

The total of potential funds uncovered by Greuel still falls short of $100 million, even when adding in additional audits the controller's office has performed since the last annual report in June of last year, Garcetti's representatives said.

After reviewing the audits, her rival said that just $239,000 had actually been recovered for the city treasury.

"It is absolutely the worst kind of flim-flam math I've ever seen in my life," said Bill Carrick, Garcetti's chief strategist. "The $160 million does not exist. There is no $160 million in savings."

The Greuel ad suggests she would use "savings" like those found in her audits for "job creation, better schools and faster emergency response in every part of our city."

Garcetti's camp said in a statement the actual savings "would have a negligible impact on education, emergency response and job creation,"

Greuel political consultant John Shallman accused Garcetti of "baseless attacks."

"It's clear now why Mr. Garcetti has failed to stop the wasteful spending in City Hall—he's not reading the Controller's audit reports," Shallman said in a statement. "If he had, he would know that the Controller has identified more than $160 million in waste, fraud and abuse."

michael.finnegan@latimes.com

Times staff writer James Rainey contributed to this report.


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L.A. city workers' union doesn't endorse Garcetti or Greuel

An influential union representing City Hall workers failed to reach a consensus Tuesday evening on whether and whom to endorse in Los Angeles' mayoral campaign, labor officials said.

Members of six locals of the Service Employees International Union questioned City Controller Wendy Greuel and City Councilman Eric Garcetti, two top contenders in the race, for at least half an hour. Neither was recommended for an endorsement, even though Greuel was ranked higher on a scoring sheet prepared by union officials.

The rating was prepared in December and ranked Greuel 4.3 out of 5 on issues important to the union. Garcetti was rated a 3.5, and consistently was graded lower on issues such as furloughs — the unpaid days imposed on civilian city workers — and on retirement benefits, according to the document, a copy of which was obtained by The Times.

Favel Jens, political coordinator for SEIU Local 721, which represents 10,000 city workers, said the scoring sheet was prepared by the political directors of six SEIU locals in December, after the candidates responded to written questionnaires.

Lowell Goodman, communications director for SEIU Local 721, said the heads of the union locals still could decide in the next few weeks to issue separate endorsements. "Or they could decide to go together and endorse the same candidate," Goodman said.

The union locals held a town hall-style gathering Tuesday evening so they could, for a second time, consider making an endorsement in the March 5 election to replace Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa.

Filing out of the meeting at union headquarters, attendees who described themselves as members of SEIU Local 99 — which represents school district employees — said their local decided not to pick either candidate. Employees with SEIU's United Service Workers West, which represents security guards, airport workers and others, said they too had decided not to endorse. But Myran Cotton, a city employee represented by SEIU Local 721, said her local recommended Greuel.

SEIU's backing is considered important because Los Angeles is a heavily Democratic, generally labor-friendly city. Also, SEIU has shown its support can mean a significant number of get-out-the-vote campaign volunteers and financial donations to pay for mailers and advertising.

But some of Greuel's and Garcetti's opponents are suggesting the next mayor needs to be more independent of public employee unions.

Greuel and Garcetti, the only two invited back for additional interviews Tuesday, were on the council when it voted for a package of raises for civilian city workers that totaled roughly 25%. Greuel moved on to citywide office by 2010, and did not have to vote when the council ordered unpopular layoffs, furloughs, employee transfers and reductions in an array of services.

In the competition for union support, those decisions have put Garcetti, who was then City Council president, at a disadvantage this election year. Greuel sought to sow doubt about Garcetti during the initial interview sessions with SEIU members last month. She cited his involvement in employee layoffs, telling workers they needed someone who would be with them "every step of the way."

City officials are grappling with a $220-million budget shortfall and trying to persuade the public to hike taxes.

Greuel already has the backing of the Department of Water and Power employees' union, which has given $250,000 to a committee supporting her candidacy and is expected to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars more. She has also picked up the support of the rank-and-file police officers' union, which spent nearly $750,000 to elect City Atty. Carmen Trutanich in 2009.

The SEIU did not invite three other leading candidates — Councilwoman Jan Perry, former radio host Kevin James and tech executive Emanuel Pleitez — to Tuesday's event. All three have been more critical than Greuel and Garcetti of the city's handling of its budget crisis.

The union employees "clearly don't want someone independent making decisions at City Hall," said James, shortly before Tuesday's SEIU session began.

Perry said earlier this week that she lost out on the endorsement because she said she had no plans to remove City Administrative Officer Miguel Santana, the budget official who recommended layoffs and reductions in pension benefits for new hires. Union officials asked the candidates last month to say whether they would keep Santana.

SEIU Local 721 has been at odds with Santana and Villaraigosa over their successful push to raise the retirement age and to roll back pensions for new hires. That pension measure was approved by the council last fall, but does not apply to DWP hires, or any current city employees.

The union also has been fighting efforts to turn the zoo and city Convention Center over to private management entities.

david.zahniser@latimes.com


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California's new prisons chief was once critic of system

SACRAMENTO — Jeffrey Beard's expert testimony was cited 39 times in the federal court order that capped California's prison population in 2009. He said the state's prisons were severely overcrowded, unsafe and unable to deliver adequate care to inmates.

At the time, he was Pennsylvania's prisons chief. Now, he's Gov. Jerry Brown's new corrections secretary, and his first order of business is to persuade the same judges to lift the cap, as well as to end the court's longtime hold on prison mental health care.

"I agree with what I said back then," Beard said Tuesday in one of his first interviews as the new head of the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. "On the flip side," he said, "things have changed."

California has 35,000 fewer inmates than when Beard testified in U.S. District Court in 2008, though that has not been enough to satisfy the judges, who want the population reduced by thousands more. On Tuesday, they gave the state until the end of this year — an extra six months — to meet their cap.

Beard said inmate medical care is better now, and he has more understanding of California's sprawling prison system. When he testified, he had only been to the historic prison in Folsom. His comments then about overcrowding, unsafe conditions and inadequate care came from the reports of other experts and from his work on a 2006 state task force examining recidivism.

"I've now been in about 20 of the institutions," he said Tuesday.

Beard said his perspective started to change in 2011, when he retired from his Pennsylvania post and began to do consulting work for California. His work included inspecting prisons and meeting with the court's special master for prison mental health care.

He said he no longer finds California prisons too large. He had told federal judges that it is difficult to safely run a prison with more than 3,300 inmates, according to court transcripts. Commenting on a California prison with 7,000 inmates, he had testified, "it is impossible to really do a good job with prisons that large."

"One of the things I didn't know back then," Beard said Tuesday, was how the prisons here were designed and built."

He said California creates prisons within prisons — three or four self-contained institutions within one facility — that allow for larger populations.

In 2008, transcripts show, Beard testified that California guards interfered with delivery of medical care because they were preoccupied with safety.

"You can't change the culture until you reduce the population and can make the institution safe," he said then.

Now, Beard says California is delivering adequate care to prisoners, even if its institutions hold as many as 80% more inmates than they were designed to accommodate. Beard noted that the state has spent "millions and millions and millions" retrofitting its prison medical facilities.

Beard once told federal judges that prison suicide rates — which are now climbing in California — are an important indicator of care quality. The rising rate merits concern, Beard said Tuesday, "but it doesn't mean you're not providing constitutional care."

As the judges weigh the governor's bid to end court oversight of prison healthcare, inmates' lawyers say Beard's move from critic to cheerleader gives them pause.

"He doesn't become appointed and things suddenly change from bad to good," said Donald Specter, lead attorney for the Prison Law Office. His agency's lawsuit against the state over prison healthcare 12 years ago ultimately resulted in the appointment of a federal receiver.

"We're going to point out [that] some of the things he was critical of are still not alleviated," Specter said.

Beard's appointment as corrections secretary requires confirmation by the state Senate.

paige.stjohn@latimes.com


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Slain doctor remembered for faith and zest for life

He was remembered by patients and colleagues as a caring and talented physician, one who followed his father's footsteps into medicine. And his friends spoke of how devout he was in his Jewish faith as well as of his kindness and his zest for life.

"He was just a good soul," one colleague and friend said.

Now police are trying to determine why someone would walk into the urologist's Newport Beach offices and shoot him to death.

Dr. Ronald Gilbert was killed Monday in an exam room of his practice in the heart of a bustling medical community, allegedly gunned down by a 75-year-old retired barber who recently told a neighbor that he had cancer and didn't expect to live much longer.

Stanwood Fred Elkus of Lake Elsinore was arrested within seven minutes of the first call from the medical offices next to Hoag Memorial Hospital, authorities said. Elkus, who is being held on $1-million bail and is expected to be in court Wednesday, was described by neighbors as having problems with his prostate and undergoing surgeries. He recently told a neighbor that he believed he would soon be dead.

One neighbor, Sherry Martin, said that Elkus would always ride through his Riverside County neighborhood on his bike, wearing a baseball cap. Sometimes, he offered to give haircuts to neighbors.

But Elkus had run-ins with other neighbors in the past, including a dispute over bushes in a woman's backyard that was exacerbated into more than a year of Elkus allegedly taunting her family. Melissa Evans, 36, said that he would pass by on his bike or in his car, staring them down, or would harass their dog late at night.

"He just couldn't let it go," she said. "He couldn't let go of something so small."

Evans said the erratic behavior was so unsettling that she, her husband and three sons moved to a community 10 miles away. But even after they moved to Wildomar, she said, he was spotted driving by their new home about three months ago.

Gilbert's death, however, has prompted a different sort of reaction: an outpouring of warm memories and shock at his violent death.

Colleagues said Gilbert, 52, had an "impeccable" reputation, having worked as the chief of urology at Hoag Hospital from 1998 to 2002 and as a volunteer faculty member at UC Irvine's Medical School, from which he graduated in 1987. His research interests included sexual dysfunction and bladder and prostate cancer.

He had also developed a spray designed to treat premature ejaculation. Dr. Eugene Rhee, president of the California Urological Assn., said Gilbert was especially proud of that work. "It was a much-needed medication," Rhee said.

Bruce Sechler, 61, had been Gilbert's patient for about seven years. "Right off the bat," the Huntington Beach resident said, "he could put you at ease and make you feel like he was genuinely concerned about you as a person and your needs."

Gerry Crews, a close friend who had known Gilbert since their high school days in Whittier, said that he knew how to have fun too, and loved classic rock. He sang in a garage band with Crews' older brother in high school. But he also had a laser focus during his undergraduate years at UC Santa Barbara so that he could achieve his ambition of becoming a doctor like his father.

"I was not a hard worker in college; he was," Crews, 51, said. "From the start, he planned to go to medical school and he worked very hard to get into medical school."

Even with his focus on medicine, friends recalled that he had a unique ability to keep an open and balanced life. He held on to a deep appreciation for music, and would have jam sessions with his sons, who played guitar and drums. He also traveled and snow-skied.

Faith had also been a pillar in his life, friends say, influencing his choices and how he approached the world.

Crews said he moved from Tustin — where his old friends lived nearby — to Huntington Harbour so that he could be closer to his synagogue and walk there on the Sabbath. He had also retrofitted his kitchen to prepare kosher meals. And his oldest son had recently been living in Israel.

"On Saturdays," Gilbert's neighbor Betty Combs recalled, "they dressed to the nines and walked to synagogue."

Those who knew him also said he had built up a stable of friends over the years because he was willing to share his time and knowledge. Crews remembered him being a source of support on the two times his wife had breast cancer.

"He was generous of himself," said Tom Mayer, a longtime friend and a registered nurse who once worked at Hoag Hospital. "He gave you everything."

When he heard of a shooting at the Newport Beach medical campus, Mayer, 49, drove straight there from work in Mission Viejo, still dressed in his scrubs. He had called and texted Gilbert, but there was no reply. The next day, he recalled the impact Gilbert's unconditional friendship had on his life.

"He was a light," Mayer said. "He was someone who could be turned to, just to talk.... My life wouldn't be the same if I never met Ron."

nicole.santacruz@latimes.com

rick.rojas@latimes.com

Times Community News staff writers Jill Cowan and Lauren Williams contributed to this report.


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Revved up about motorcycles zooming between cars

Written By kolimtiga on Selasa, 29 Januari 2013 | 22.25

During his nearly 40 years as a columnist for this newspaper, my late father occasionally tweaked his readers — quite disingenuously — by belittling his cat, knowing the slur would stir invective so passionate and erudite that he could fill another column without having to do much writing of his own.

I had no intention of employing that device when I recently wrote — quite sincerely — in defense of motorcyclists who navigate the space between cars to get ahead on crowded freeways.

To be sure, I knew some motorists would object out of fear of hitting a rider, or annoyed by the intrusion on their space. I was prepared to shrug them off because, I thought, my opinion was based on logic, experience and the law.

How fragile is the hard shell of reason! Among the emails that flooded my inbox, those that left me most humbled were from motorists who mostly agreed with me. But they were hurt by my admonishment that they should not move slightly out of my way.

Specifically, I wrote: "If you want to show solidarity, just hold your course and be sure you're a little in front or a little behind the car beside you."

Joe Edward of Beverly Hills was insulted. "Moving over, even briefly, gives you more room and I, maybe mistakenly, thought it shows courtesy," he wrote. "I thought it was the olive branch between those on four and two wheels, and is confirmed when I get the two-fingered 'thank you' wag from cyclists. When that happens, just for a moment, LA freeways are a nicer place and, yes, to the late Rodney King, we can all just get along.... But now you say NOT to move over? Ok. Forget the olive branch. Forget wanting to get along. It's on!"

I certainly never intended to turn plowshares into swords. And I'd like to think that if Joe knew me personally he'd see I'm not like the name he called me at the end of his email.

But I do apologize. I was myopic when I wrote, "Hold your course." The comment was aimed at drivers who turn their wheels sharply when surprised by a motorcycle. I appreciate drivers who ease slightly left or right, giving me the room to slide by comfortably, but more important letting me know they too are attuned to their surroundings.

And yes, I always give them the wave and momentarily feel better about humanity.

As you may have noticed, motorcyclists also give each other the two-finger salute when passing, a mutual acknowledgment of our membership in a minority that embraces the fun and physics of vehicular transportation along with its practical benefits.

The wave is also a silent bond between boomers like me and gen-whatevers who wear red mohawks on their helmets and wouldn't notice me under any other circumstances.

My aggressiveness in standing up for our somewhat outcast status surprised and pleased many fellow riders.

"Doug! You are the bomb!!!" wrote Arlene Battishill, who produces a line of head-turning women's motorcycle apparel and rides a Kawasaki. "I nearly screamed out loud.... Man oh man, I could just kiss you right now!"

Yes, we can be an exuberant bunch, inebriate of air, as Emily Dickinson so nicely put it. I can't deny that a few respondents castigated me for being irrational and self-aggrandizing, predicted my untimely demise or, worse, implied that such might be the due reward for my impudence.

I think my cat-baiting father would have gotten a sly smile from the reaction of an anonymous trucker who asked, "Ever heard of a CB?

"I know when one of you guys is coming for miles," he wrote, warning that outside my state I could become "road pizza" for riding like a Californian. He claimed to have seen semis "run bikes off in the grass more then once."

To my surprise, though, the critiques that hit home were also from fellow motorcyclists.

Some noted the bad behavior of "squids," those hyper riders who weave back and forth on screaming "crotch rockets." No wonder the "cagers," those dull people imprisoned in their cars, are up in arms.

David Lasher, who makes a continuous video of his commute from Northridge to Santa Monica, sent me a clip of his own crash when a car veered into his lane seemingly in contradiction of my assertion that a motorist cannot swerve fast enough to hit me as I pass by.

Lasher followed the cowboy mantra and got right back on a replacement Suzuki. Another, John Greenwood, told me of his "deal with God" never to ride again after one bad day ended 20 great years of riding.

By carefully parsing these scary stories, I can show that none directly refute the thesis that motorcycles are safer between lanes than in them, assuming a few guidelines are followed. Lasher, for example, conceded that he shouldn't have been lane-splitting in the HOV transition zone. Some materials I got from motorcycle safety experts convinced me further.

But instead of lining up the reaction as pro versus con, I think the collective lesson I've drawn from 100 emails is that Angelenos are up for a reasoned conversation about bettering the quality of life on L.A.'s freeways, the one place that draws us all together, whether we like it or not.

Sandy Driscoll epitomized this conciliatory effect, writing to me about an encounter on Pico Boulevard.

"A motorcyclist very quickly passed me on the left (lane splitting) gave a quick (and I must say, graceful) arm signal, and moved in front of me," she wrote. "Just as quickly, I saw him move in and out of traffic ahead of me, always with an arm signal. It was like an amazing ballet, and I was mesmerized. Thanks for your article."

"Motorcycling is not for me, but I hope you keep spreading the word about its benefits," wrote Dan Brooks of Santa Barbara. "In the meantime, I'll try to heed your driving advice and will offer a respectful salute rather than a New York salute."

Reading numerous such comments I've done some self-searching about my own behavior on the road.

As a result, I find I've become a more conservative, patient and polite rider in the last couple weeks.

So, a two-finger wave to all you "cagers."

doug.smith@latimes.com


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Ex-SEIU local exec convicted of stealing from low-income members

A onetime rising star in national labor circles who headed California's biggest union local was convicted Monday on federal charges that he stole tens of thousands of dollars from his low-income members.

Tyrone Freeman, who represented about 190,000 homecare workers as a leader of the Service Employees International Union, was found guilty on 14 counts after a 10-day trial in Los Angeles.

Jurors deliberated two and a half days before returning their verdict. The trial followed a nearly four-year investigation triggered by a series of Times reports on Freeman's financial practices.

"This was a case about abuse and betrayal," U.S. Atty. André Birotte Jr. said in a statement after the verdict. "Freeman abused his position as leader of the SEIU, and he betrayed the hardworking people whose interests he was supposed to represent."

Freeman, 43, faces a maximum of more than 180 years in prison when he returns to court for sentencing in April. His attorneys declined to comment.

Monday's verdict marks the end of a steep fall from grace for a man groomed for a major role in the SEIU, the 2-million-member labor juggernaut that is a dominant force in worker organizing campaigns and Democratic elections from coast to coast.

As president of SEIU Local 6434 and an affiliated chapter of homecare workers, Freeman carried significant clout in Los Angeles, Sacramento and Washington, D.C., because he commanded deep sources of campaign money and foot soldiers.

In August, he was indicted on charges of embezzling from his statewide local of mostly $9-an-hour workers and using some of the stolen money to cover costs from his Hawaiian wedding. Other charges were mail fraud, violation of tax laws and giving false information to a mortgage lender.

His wife, Pilar Planells, had earlier pleaded guilty to a tax charge in connection with more than $540,000 she received in consulting payments from the L.A.-based local while Freeman was in charge.

The government's case against Freeman centered on an alleged scheme in which he was accused of boosting his salary by illegally directing Local 6434 money to the affiliated organization he led, California United Homecare Workers. He was charged with similarly defrauding a union-funded nonprofit group devoted to building homes for low-wage workers.

At the time, Freeman's annual compensation was about $200,000, making him one of the higher-paid union leaders in the nation. The tax counts he was convicted on involved his failure to report about $63,000 in income from 2006 and 2007. Prosecutors dropped another tax charge initially brought in the indictment.

The investigation was conducted by the U.S. Department of Labor, FBI and Internal Revenue Service. It began after The Times reported in August 2008 that Freeman funneled hundreds of thousands of dollars of his members' dues, and money from a related charity, to his relatives. He also spent freely on a Four Seasons Resort golf tournament, expensive restaurants and a Beverly Hills cigar club.

The scandal quickly cost Freeman his job and rippled through the SEIU, leading to the ouster of several other California officials as well as the president of the union's biggest Michigan local.

The Freeman case also helped widened a division within SEIU's California ranks. Officials of a local headquartered in the Bay Area broke away from the parent union and formed a rival organization after resisting a merger that they said would have placed their members under Freeman's control.

"When union bosses get all the power and they're not accountable to their members, it leads to the corruption that is spelled out today in the conviction of Tyrone Freeman," said Sal Rosselli, president of the rival group, the National Union of Healthcare Workers.

The verdict was cheered by Local 6434 members such as Raquel Toribio, 69, a Monterey County homecare worker paid to look after her son, who has Down syndrome. "I'm very happy to hear Freeman's going to pay for what he stole," she said. "It has been a long time."

A spokesman for the local, Scott Mann, said the Freeman case "is a part of the history of the union, but it's not a part of its present. This union has successfully moved on."

Mann said Local 6434 has grown since Freeman's departure, to 180,000 members from 160,000 in 2008. The affiliate had about 30,000 members under Freeman.

In addition to the salary diversion, the jury found that Freeman had the union pay more than $8,000 in expenses for his 2006 wedding. He also was convicted of lying to Countrywide Bank by claiming that the union paid his personal American Express bills and the leasing costs for his Land Rover.

"Mr. Freeman occupied a position of public trust, and he violated that trust by enriching himself at the cost of California's workers," said Assistant U.S. Atty. Elisa Fernandez, a prosecutor in the case.

paul.pringle@latimes.com

hailey.branson@latimes.com


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Doctor fatally shot near Hoag Hospital in Newport Beach

A doctor was shot and killed Monday in a building near Hoag Hospital in Newport Beach, police said.

Multiple people have identified the victim as a doctor at Orange Coast Urology, but police have not released the victim's name pending notification of relatives. An outgoing phone message said the office had to close Monday because of an emergency.

Workers in the building said the shooting occurred in the doctor's exam room.

Newport Beach Police Department Deputy Chief David McGill confirmed that the slain man was a doctor but had no other details about him or a suspect who was taken into custody without incident at the scene, which was on the second floor of an office building at 520 Superior Ave.

"I sit right at the front desk. I would have caught the first bullet," said Becky Calderwood, who works two doors down from the office where the shooting occurred. "This is nuts. People are just shooting everyone all the time."

Calderwood said the gunman was a 70-year-old patient. Shortly after the shooting, police led a handcuffed older man wearing a baseball cap out of the building.

Authorities received a call about 2:45 p.m. that six or seven shots had been fired, according to police spokeswoman Kathy Lowe.

"We won't know a motive until our detectives have a chance to interview the suspect later" Monday night, Lowe said.

A source with knowledge of the shooting said the building was a medical office affiliated with Hoag. The shooting occurred in an office portion of the building, Lowe said.

Kristin Crotty works directly above the office. She said she heard gunshots but "blew it off as construction."

She said what she heard sounded like a nail gun and she didn't know what was going on until she called building services and was told to lock her door.

A sign outside says the three-story medical building houses Hoag outpatient services and lists the Allen Diabetes Center, physicians' offices and a CHOC diabetes center as occupants.

lauren.williams@latimes.com

jeremiah.dobruck@latimes.com

jill.cowan@latimes.com

Times staff writers Rick Rojas and Sam Quinones contributed to this report.


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Ex-Cudahy Mayor David Silva gets prison in bribery

A former Cudahy mayor was sentenced Monday to a year in federal prison for his part in taking $17,000 in bribes from a man who wanted to open a medical marijuana dispensary in the city in southeast Los Angeles County.

David Silva, 62, is the second Cudahy official to be sentenced after pleading guilty to bribery and extortion. As in the previous case, U.S. District Judge Manuel Real ignored the prosecutor's sentencing recommendation. In Silva's case, Assistant U.S. Atty. Joseph Akrotirianakis recommended that he receive 41 months in prison.

Earlier this month, Angel Perales, Cudahy's former head of code enforcement and acting city manager, was sentenced to five years' probation. Akrotirianakis had recommended that Perales serve two years in prison.

Both men could have received 30 years in prison.

Former Councilman Osvaldo Conde is scheduled for sentencing Feb. 25.

The medical marijuana bribes led the FBI and the U.S. attorney's office to open an investigation into corruption in Cudahy. Documents revealed Cudahy as a place where bribes were common for anyone wanting to do business with the city; where longtime City Manager George Perez rigged elections; where city employees served as armed bodyguards for council members; and where city workers brought Perez illegal pain pills.

Perales' attorney, Carlos Juarez, called Perez "the mastermind behind the bribery scandal in Cudahy" and much of the investigation appears to be centered on him.

The investigation is continuing. Perez's attorney, Stanley L. Friedman, has said his client denies any wrongdoing.

Silva's attorney told Real that his client had cooperated to the fullest extent with authorities. "If there is anyone from the L.A. Times here, put it in the paper: I am sorry to the people of Cudahy," Silva said.

In addition to prison time, Real placed Silva on three years' probation, ordered him to serve 1,500 hours of community service and pay $17,000 restitution.

In his sentencing memorandum, Akrotirianakis said the longer prison term would serve as a deterrent to other elected officials. "Corruption at the highest levels of smaller cities ... appears to be rampant in Los Angeles County and in this judicial district, and general deterrence appears to be necessary."

As part of the Cudahy investigation, the former mayor of Santa Fe Springs, Joseph Serrano Sr., was sentenced to two years in prison for taking $11,500 in bribes from the marijuana dispensary owner.

jeff.gottlieb@latimes.com


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Mayoral debate focuses on city's troubled finances

In the highest-profile debate so far in the Los Angeles mayoral race, three longtime city officials defended their records Monday night as two long-shot challengers accused them of putting the city on a path to insolvency.

The city's chronic budget shortfalls dominated the event at UCLA's Royce Hall, televised live on KNBC-TV Channel 4. Entertainment lawyer Kevin James and technology executive Emanuel Pleitez sought to maximize the free media exposure, portraying themselves as fresh alternatives to business as usual at City Hall.

James, a former radio talk-show host, described himself as an independent and accused rivals Wendy Greuel, Eric Garcetti and Jan Perry — all veteran elected officials — of being cozy with unions representing the city workforce.

"Bankruptcy doesn't happen overnight," said James, the only Republican in the race. "This happened over a period of time and it happened because of a series of bad decisions."

Pleitez struck a similar note.

"Our politicians in the last decade made decisions on numbers they didn't understand," he said.

"I'm the only one that has worked in the private sector and on fiscal and economic policies at the highest levels," Pleitez said, citing his experience as a special assistant to economist Paul Volcker on President Obama's Economic Recovery Advisory Board.

Greuel, Garcetti and Perry, in turn, pledged to show fiscal restraint as the city grapples with projected budget shortfalls totaling more than $1 billion over the next four years.

City Controller Greuel cited the "waste, fraud and abuse" her office's audits have identified at City Hall, saying they demonstrate her independence.

"As mayor of Los Angeles, I get not only being the fiscal watchdog, and showing where we can find this money, and knowing where the bodies are buried," said Greuel, who served on the City Council for seven years. "I've learned as city controller, you don't always make friends when you highlight what can be done better."

Garcetti, a councilman for more than a decade, said he had a record of "not just talking about pension reform, but delivering on it." When tax collections dried up in the recession, he said, the council and mayor eliminated 5,000 jobs and negotiated a deal with unions requiring some city workers to contribute to their health and pension benefits.

"Those are the things that kept us away from our own fiscal cliff," he said.

Perry also stressed her support for increasing worker contributions to health and retirement benefits.

"This is about long-term survival," she said.

By the normal standards of election campaigns, it was a remarkably genteel debate, at least among the three city officials.

Only Perry attacked her rivals, and even then, not by name.

Recalling her work with Garcetti and Greuel in talks with city unions, she faulted them for engaging in "side meetings and side negotiations," saying she was more transparent.

"As mayor, I will make sure that practice stops, that everything is done on the record — that all employees are treated fairly and all employees are given the same information," Perry said.

Neither Greuel nor Garcetti answered the attack.

As in previous forums, the most obvious contrasts among the candidates Monday night were in biography and style — rather than policy positions.


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2003 Old fire arsonist sentenced to death

A judge handed a death sentence Monday to the violent felon convicted of setting the 2003 Old fire that destroyed more than 1,000 homes, charred the northwestern face of the San Bernardino Mountains and killed five people.

His eyes fixed on the judge, Rickie Lee Fowler, 31, didn't show a twitch of emotion as the sentence was announced in a San Bernardino courtroom. Fowler, a methamphetamine user since grammar school, already is serving three life terms for brutally sodomizing a cellmate in county jail.

Judge Michael A. Smith called the evidence against Fowler overwhelming, saying there is "no lingering doubt" that he set the deadly wildfire in a rage over being booted from his godfather's home at the top of Waterman Canyon. Smith told the defendant that, despite his horrendous upbringing by an abusive, drug-addicted mother, his lifelong history of violence and crime entitled him to little mercy.

WHO THEY WERE: Victims of the 'Old Fire'

"Rickie Fowler should be put to death,'' as a jury had recommended, Smith told the court.

The Old fire broke out Oct. 25, 2003, at Old Waterman Canyon Road and California 18, and raced through the forest and brush, forcing the evacuation of more than 30 communities and 80,000 people. It came as firefighters were battling a blaze in Upland and Rancho Cucamonga. Six men died of heart attacks, although prosecutors said one could not be directly linked to the stress of the fire.

A jury in August found that Fowler deliberately set the blaze by tossing a lighted road flare into the dry brush at the base of the mountains. After convicting him of murder and arson, that same panel in September ordered Fowler's execution.

One of those who died was Robert Taylor, 54, a carpenter and single parent from San Bernardino, who succumbed to a heart attack after fleeing the flames. His children addressed the judge during Monday's hearing.

Ashley Taylor, who was 15 when her father died, said her children will never feel their grandfather's love. Gone forever, she said, is her jokester father, who always found a way to put a smile on her face.

"It's still very hard for me to think about the week that turned my world upside down," she told the judge. "Although the tragic event was more than a decade ago, I still feel the pain every day."

The son of Robert Taylor said after the hearing that the death sentence offered some justice for his family and the thousands who suffered because of the devastating wildfire.

"I'm glad he's going to death row,'' said Jesse Taylor. "I think he deserved it because he's been hurting a lot of people for years, not just my father. Not just that fire. For years and years and years he's been hurting people.''

During the trial, Deputy Dist. Atty. Robert Bullock portrayed Fowler as a sadistic felon who inflicted "misery and mayhem" on those who crossed his path throughout his life. He raped and brutalized two girlfriends, one of whom was pregnant with his son, and turned a cellmate into his personal "sex slave," according to prosecutors. Fowler once attacked a woman who offered him a place to stay, slashing her and her dog with a butcher knife so he could steal a few hundred dollars, Bullock said.

Fowler's crimes "scream out for the death penalty,'' Bullock said during the sentencing hearing.

"Rickie started that fire and the jury did the right thing,'' Bullock said afterward. "Thankfully for the victims and the community, there's finally some closure to this case.''

Before sentencing, defense attorney Donald Jordan made an impassioned plea to the judge to set aside the jury's recommendation of death and instead sentence Fowler to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

Jordan restated his argument during the trial that the prosecution did not present any direct evidence showing that Fowler had set the blaze or that the deaths were intentional. On Monday, Jordan said he also may have found witnesses who could testify that Fowler was, in fact, watching television at a friend's house when the fire was set — but said they refuse to cooperate.

The judge, however, rejected the last-ditch plea, saying the prosecution provided ample, convincing evidence that Fowler set the fire.

Jordan later said his client was made a "scapegoat" by the district attorney's office and law enforcement agencies, which were under immense pressure to solve the case. Because Fowler was sentenced to death, the case automatically will be appealed to the California Supreme Court.

phil.willon@latimes.com


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Legislation proposed to help California launch healthcare overhaul

SACRAMENTO — The state Legislature gaveled in a special session on healthcare Monday, pushing forward with sweeping proposals to help California implement President Obama's healthcare overhaul.

The measures, including a major expansion of Medi-Cal, the state's public insurance program for the poor, would cement the state's status as the nation's earliest and most aggressive adopter of the federal Affordable Care Act. Beginning in January 2014, the law requires most Americans to buy health insurance or pay a penalty.

Gov. Jerry Brown called the special session so healthcare bills that he signs can take effect within 90 days rather than next year.

State lawmakers are racing to pass rules for enrollment in a new state-run insurance market in October. They include a requirement for insurers to cover consumers who have preexisting medical conditions.

Legislative leaders in both houses sponsored bills that would dramatically expand Medi-Cal. Under the proposals, individuals earning up to 138% of the federal poverty level — or $15,415 a year — would be covered, potentially adding more than 1 million Californians to the rolls.

The federal government would subsidize costs for the first three years, phasing down to 90% afterward.

"Ensuring that every Californian has access to quality, affordable healthcare is one of the most important public policy challenges we face," said Assembly Speaker John A. Pérez (D-Los Angeles) at a Capitol news conference. "No Californian should ever face bankruptcy or severe financial setbacks due to illness and injury."

Brown, in his State of the State speech last week, sounded a note of caution even as he embraced the federal law. The long-term costs are unknown, he said, and hold the potential to undermine California's precariously balanced budget.

He called the Medi-Cal expansion "incredibly complex," adding that "it will take more time" to achieve than other parts of the healthcare overhaul. Brown has said the change could allow the state to reduce the roughly $2 billion it gives to counties to care for the uninsured, but county officials and healthcare advocates say that such a move could hurt their ability to help the millions of Californians who will still lack coverage.

The special-session legislation would also streamline the Medi-Cal enrollment process to help sign up hundreds of thousands of Californians who are currently eligible but not enrolled. According to a recent study by the UC Berkeley Center for Labor Research and the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research, that change could add 240,000 to 510,000 people to the Medi-Cal rolls by 2019.

Brown has earmarked $350 million in his budget proposal to pay for the increased participation. Costs for the currently eligible group would be split evenly between the state and federal governments.

For all their enthusiasm, legislative leaders also said they were working within fiscal constraints. Pérez defended the state's moves, for instance, to slash Medi-Cal reimbursement rates two years ago. Healthcare providers have appealed a federal court's decision allowing the cuts, arguing that the reductions would cause community clinics to close and prompt doctors to turn away Medi-Cal patients.

California, Pérez said, lacks the resources to better compensate doctors, hospitals and pharmacists.

"I don't think we're in a situation to make fundamental changes to that," he said.

michael.mishak@latimes.com


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Legislators to hold hearing on use of off-budget accounts

By Jeff Gottlieb, Los Angeles Times

January 29, 2013, 4:33 a.m.

A joint Assembly and state Senate committee will conduct a hearing to determine the extent California agencies are using off-budget accounts to hold money outside the state system.

Monday's announcement follows a Times report that the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection hid $3.6 million rather than depositing it in the state's cash-strapped general fund.

Cal Fire, as the department is known, placed the money with the nonprofit California District Attorneys Assn. The money came from legal settlements. Cal Fire's regulations say the money was supposed to go into the state's general fund.

The hearing is expected to be held in two or three weeks.

The state Department of Finance is planning to start an audit of the fund next week, Cal Fire spokeswoman Janet Upton.

The association received fees as high as 3% of the money coming in and 15% going out when Cal Fire needed the funds for equipment or training.

Ken Pimlott, Cal Fire's director, froze the fund in August after receiving a briefing about it, Upton said. The department is looking into how to send the remaining $810,000 to the state treasury.

jeff.gottlieb@latimes.com


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Elections will bring a big shake-up on L.A. City Council

Written By kolimtiga on Senin, 28 Januari 2013 | 22.25

Voters across Los Angeles are poised to engineer the biggest shake-up on the City Council in a dozen years, sending seven newcomers into office in a series of contests that will unfold between March and July.

Although the mayoral campaign has grabbed most of the attention this election year, with millions raised by the five leading candidates, the stakes are just as high for the city's powerful 15-member legislative body.

Term limits and other factors — illness and the election of a sitting councilman to higher office — have created the largest number of incumbent-free council races in more than a decade. Six current council members depart June 30 and a seventh — Tony Cardenas — already has moved to Congress.

The new crop of lawmakers, earning nearly $179,000 a year and representing a quarter of a million residents, will confront complex, overarching problems such as the city's financial crisis and the need to create more jobs. But they also will have to deal with narrower issues, including how big a police force the city can afford and how to improve lagging paramedic response times — not to mention angry calls about potholes, trash pickup, graffiti, illegal dumping, crossing guards, development projects and traffic congestion.

"You're talking about the most powerful City Council in the United States," said Raphael Sonenshein, executive director of the Edmund G. "Pat" Brown Institute of Public Affairs at Cal State L.A. "You could argue in some ways that individual council members are more important than state legislators. They have a great deal of power over the nature of the neighborhood you live in and the services it receives."

With so many seats up for grabs, both employee unions and business groups are preparing to flood the races with money.

LA Jobs PAC, the political action committee for the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce, has thrown its weight behind five candidates in districts stretching from Lincoln Heights west to Pacific Palisades. The group will spend at least $650,000 — several times any previous effort — in this year's campaign cycle, much of it on council races, said Ruben Gonzalez, who handles policy for the chamber.

The outcome is critical, Gonzalez said, because the seven winners could easily remain in office until 2025, due to the power of incumbency and a city law allowing three four-year terms.

"They are going to shape how we deal with the structural deficit, how we deal with pension reform, how we protect the city," he said.

Labor leaders have plans of their own. Working Californians, a political action committee tied to the union that represents Department of Water and Power employees, has announced plans for an independent spending campaign on behalf of four council candidates. Last year, the DWP union spent $527,000 in just one race, the election to replace Councilwoman Janice Hahn. More than a third went to the man who ultimately won, Joe Buscaino, records show.

The Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, looking to extend its City Hall influence, is backing seven candidates. One goal for the county labor group is to secure an ordinance requiring large hotels across Los Angeles to pay a "living wage." It also wants city leaders to spend more on renewable energy — wind, solar and geothermal power — and impose new regulations on commercial trash companies, from the types of trucks they use to how much their employees earn.

The federation is looking to bring four more state lawmakers to the council, for a total of seven representatives who previously served in Sacramento — more than at any time in city history.

"Los Angeles needs a council that will have the courage to move forward with initiatives that benefits workers," said Maria Elena Durazo, the federation's top official, in a statement.

Three council contests are especially competitive. In the 9th District, covering part of South Los Angeles, seven people are vying to replace Councilwoman Jan Perry, including two state lawmakers, an LAPD deputy chief and two former council aides. In the 13th District, which stretches from Echo Park to Hollywood, 12 candidates are vying to replace Councilman Eric Garcetti, who, like Perry, is running for mayor.

That race has at least five strong contenders, said Steve Afriat, a longtime lobbyist and City Hall observer. Any two of them — John Choi, a former member of the Board of Public Works; Alex De Ocampo, who works for the Saban Family Foundation; assistant fire Chief Emile Mack; longtime Garcetti aide Mitch O'Farrell; and former Deputy Mayor Matt Szabo — could get into a runoff with as few as 6,000 votes, Afriat said.

Szabo is hoping to break out of the pack by calling for DWP employees to pay more for their retirement benefits. That could put him at odds with Choi, who is backed by the labor-affiliated Working Californians.

Choi said he was not yet prepared to back such a change but would keep it as one possible option.

O'Farrell is pushing for a reduction in City Council salaries and the elimination of the five-member Board of Public Works, whose members are picked by the mayor and earn as much as $130,000 annually.

Another competitive race is the three-way contest to replace Councilman Ed Reyes involving Assemblyman Gil Cedillo (D-Los Angeles); Reyes' chief of staff, Jose Gardea; and businessman Jesse Rosas.

Gardea, who has been with Reyes for more than a decade, has raised the most money. But Cedillo has the backing of the LA Jobs PAC, Working Californians and the county labor federation, which represents more than 600,000 union workers.

The federation has already spent nearly $20,000 on behalf of Cedillo. Other state legislators backed by the labor organization in City Council contests are Assemblyman Bob Blumenfield ( D-Los Angeles); Assemblyman Felipe Fuentes (D-Sylmar); and state Sen. Curren Price (D-Los Angeles).

Former Councilwoman Ruth Galanter, who represented part of the Westside, warned that the influx of politicians from Sacramento could leave the council with new members who know how to pass laws but have little experience in making things work.

"The city has to be governed, it has to be run," said Galanter, who served from 1987 to 2003. Asked how the city is running now, she said: "Not so well."

david.zahniser@latimes.com


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